Spain's
colonies
in
the
New
World
were,
legally,
the
personal
patrimony
of
the
king,
and
he
held
absolute
control
over
all
matters
in
Ecuador.
Colonial
administration
at
all
levels
was
carried
out
in
the
name
of
the
monarch.
The
king's
chief
agency
in
Madrid
was
the
Council
of
the
Indies,
which
devoted
most
of
its
energies
to
formulating
legislation
designed
to
regulate
virtually
every
aspect
of
colonial
life.
The
House
of
Trade,
seated
in
Seville,
was
placed
in
charge
of
governing
commerce
between
Spain
and
the
colonies.
In
America,
the
king's
major
administrative
agents
were
the
viceroyalty,
the
audiencia
[court],
and
the
municipal
council
[cabildo].
Between
1544
and
1563,
Ecuador
was
an
integral
part
of
the
Viceroyalty
of
Peru,
having
no
administrative
status
independent
of
Lima.
It
remained
a
part
of
the
Viceroyalty
of
Peru
until
1720,
when
it
joined
the
newly
created
Viceroyalty
of
Nueva
Granada;
within
the
viceroyalty,
however,
Ecuador
was
awarded
its
own
audiencia
in
1563,
allowing
it
to
deal
directly
with
Madrid
on
certain
matters.
The
Quito
Audiencia
,
which
was
both
a
court
of
justice
and
an
advisory
body
to
the
viceroy,
consisted
of
a
president
and
several
judges
[oidores].
The
territory
under
the
jurisdiction
of
Quito
considerably
exceeded
that
of
present-day
Ecuador,
extending
southward
to
the
port
of
Paita
in
the
north
of
present-day
Peru,
northward
to
the
port
of
Buenaventura
and
the
city
of
Cali
in
the
south
of
present-day
Colombia,
and
well
out
into
the
Amazon
River
Basin
in
the
east.
Quito
was
also
the
site
of
the
first
[founded
in
1547]
and
most
important
municipal
council
within
the
area
comprising
modern-day
Ecuador.
It
consisted
of
several
councilmen
[regidores]
whose
extensive
responsibilities
included
the
maintenance
of
public
order
and
the
distribution
of
land
in
the
vicinity
of
the
local
community.
The
borders
of
the
Audiencia
[or
kingdom
as
it
was
also
known]
of
Quito
were
poorly
defined,
and
a
great
deal
of
its
territory
remained
either
unexplored
or
untamed
throughout
much
of
the
colonial
era.
Only
in
the
Sierra,
and
there
only
after
a
series
of
battles
that
raged
throughout
the
mid-sixteenth
century,
was
the
native
population
fully
subjugated
by
the
Spanish.
The
jungle
lowlands
in
both
the
Oriente
and
the
coastal
region
of
Esmeraldas
were,
in
contrast,
refuges
for
an
estimated
one-quarter
of
the
total
native
population
that
remained
recalcitrant
and
unconquered
throughout
most
or
all
of
the
sixteenth
and
seventeenth
centuries.
Despite
Orellana's
harrowing
journey
of
discovery,
the
Oriente
remained
terra
incognita
to
the
Spanish
until
its
settlement
by
Jesuit
missionaries
beginning
in
the
mid-seventeenth
century,
and
it
continued
to
be
largely
inaccessible
throughout
the
remainder
of
the
colonial
period.
The
coastal
lowlands
north
of
Manta
were
conquered,
not
by
the
Spanish,
but
by
blacks
from
the
Guinean
coast
who,
as
slaves,
were
shipwrecked
en
route
from
Panama
to
Peru
in
1570.
The
blacks
killed
or
enslaved
the
native
males
and
married
the
females,
and
within
a
generation
they
constituted
a
population
of
zambos
[mixed
black
and
Indian]
that
resisted
Spanish
authority
until
the
end
of
the
century
and
afterwards
managed
to
retain
a
great
deal
of
political
and
cultural
independence.
The
relative
autonomy
of
this
coastal
region
nearest
to
Quito
enhanced
the
effect
of
the
Andes
in
isolating
the
Ecuadorian
Sierra
from
the
rest
of
the
world
during
most
of
the
nearly
three
centuries
of
colonial
rule.
Behind
these
barriers
a
social
system
was
established
that
was
essentially
a
replica
of
the
Spanish
feudal
system
at
the
time
of
the
conquest,
with
the
peninsulares
[Spanish-born
persons
residing
in
the
New
World]
being
the
ruling,
landed
elite
and
the
Indians
being
the
subject
people
who
worked
the
land.
Although
a
few
towns,
particularly
Quito,
Riobamba,
and
Cuenca,
grew
along
with
the
administrative
and
Roman
Catholic
bureaucracies
and
the
local
textile
industries,
colonial
Ecuador
was
essentially
a
rural
society.
The
most
common
form
in
which
the
Spanish
occupied
the
land
was
the
encomienda
.
Settlers
were
granted
land,
along
with
its
inhabitants
and
resources,
in
return
for
taking
charge
of
defending
the
territory,
spiritually
indoctrinating
the
native
population,
and
extracting
the
crown's
annual
tribute
[payable
half
in
gold,
half
in
local
products]
from
the
encomienda
's
Indian
population.
By
the
early
seventeenth
century,
there
were
some
500
encomiendas
in
Ecuador.
Although
many
consisted
of
quite
sizable
haciendas,
they
were
generally
much
smaller
than
the
estates
commonly
found
elsewhere
in
South
America.
A
multitude
of
reforms
and
regulations
did
not
prevent
the
encomienda
from
becoming
a
system
of
virtual
slavery
of
the
Indians,
estimated
at
about
one-half
the
total
Ecuadorian
population,
who
lived
on
them.
In
1589
the
president
of
the
audiencia
recognized
that
many
Spaniards
were
accepting
grants
only
to
sell
them
and
undertake
urban
occupations,
and
he
stopped
distributing
new
lands
to
Spaniards;
however,
the
institution
of
the
encomienda
persisted
until
nearly
the
end
of
the
colonial
period.
Land
that
was
less
desirable
was
never
distributed,
but
rather
was
left
to
traditional
Indian
communities
or
simply
remained
open
public
land.
In
the
late
sixteenth
century,
the
estimated
one-
quarter
of
the
total
native
population
on
such
public
lands
was
resettled
into
Indian
towns
called
reducciones
in
order
to
facilitate
the
collection
of
the
Indians'
tribute,
their
conversion
to
Christianity,
and
the
exploitation
of
their
labor.
Outside
the
encomienda,